Subscribe to this channel

You can subscribe to new audio episodes published on this channel. You can follow updates using the channel's RSS feed, or via other audio platforms you may already be using.

RSS Feed

You can use any RSS feed reader to follow updates, even your browser. We recommend using an application dedicated to listening podcasts for the best experience. iOS users can look at Overcast or Castro. Pocket Casts is also very popular and has both iOS and Android versions. Add the above link to the application to follow this podcast channel.

Signup to

Sign up for a free user account to start building your playlist of podcast channels. You'll be able to build a personalised RSS feed you can follow or listen with our web player.

Despite gains, the NUM faces an existential crisis at 40

The once mighty union has many uphill battles ahead to remain relevant in a shrinking sector.
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) turned 40 this month, and finds itself facing a midlife crisis. Does it retain its political alliance with the ANC? Will it continue to work with its former archrival, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu), in wage negotiations? And can it grow its membership as the mining sector declines?
But 40 can also be a time to reassess one’s past to help chart a path for the future. One way to look at the NUM now is to compare the lives of black mine workers today with their lot in the 1980s, when South Africa’s political economy was still defined by apartheid. The contrast is jarring — in a good way — and the NUM surely deserves a lot of credit for that.
In 1984, the earliest year for which DM168 could find reliable data, 800 South African mine workers were killed in accidents on the job. As of late November, the death toll in 2022 stood at 44 and in 2019 there was a record low of 51 accidental deaths in South Africa’s mines. To be sure, it was almost one a week on average, but a far cry from the carnage that prevailed under apartheid.
There have also been vast improvements on the health front, with a dramatic reduction in silicosis and other occupational diseases linked directly to mining.
The undignified hostel system is a thing of the past, and black mine workers no longer earn the wages that kept them in poverty over the course of the 20th century.
Far from it. Minerals Council data on the annual remuneration paid to South African mine workers show it rose each year on average by 9.4% from 2001 to 2020, according to DM168 calculations. South African consumer inflation averaged about 5.5% a year over that period, calculations made from Stats SA’s historical data show.
The upshot is that wage growth in the mining sector was almost double the rate of inflation between 2001 and 2020. In 2001, the average earnings per employee per year stood at R59,874. By 2020, that had reached R335,096, a five-and-a-half-fold increase.
All these improving trends — safety, health, housing conditions and wages — are rooted in a range of factors. The end of apartheid was clearly one, and the NUM played an activist role on that front by ...

Popular SA brand BOS spills the tea about going big in the UK

BOS iced tea is already sought-after in Europe. Now, after securing additional growth equity from an investment consortium, it will have access to the UK market – one of the world’s top five rooibos markets.
BOS Ice Tea will soon be brightening up the fridges and shelves of retailers in the UK after securing growth equity from an investment consortium.
The popular ready-to-drink iced tea, notable for its vividly coloured packaging, launched in South Africa in June 2010. It is already sold throughout southern Africa, North America, in France, the Netherlands, Belgium and Singapore and other markets.
Next spring, BOS iced teas will be sold in 250ml cans and 1-litre plastic bottles in premium retailers, restaurants and online. The organic dry teas will be sold by specialist retailers in the UK.
The company ships the rooibos extract to contractors in Europe, who manufacture the ready-to-drink beverages. The dry teas are produced in South Africa and then exported.
Supported by Invenfin, Remgro’s corporate venture capital company, BOS Brands has partnered with Mazars and Cala Capital Africa to advise on the equity raise.
Kolisi Foundation
The investment consortium involves Springbok Rugby captain Siya Kolisi and his wife Rachel, in her capacity as the CEO of the Kolisi Foundation, the Banducci family (including the CEO of Woolworths Australia), former Manchester United football coach Sir Alex Ferguson’s family and others.
BOS CEO Will Battersby told Business Maverick that the UK is an obvious market for the brand because they have been in Europe since 2015.
“The focus has been primarily on three main markets, which are France, the Netherlands and Belgium, which was the first market that we went into,” the boss of BOS said.
Iced tea is an enormous category and the biggest organic retail category in beverages in western Europe. The French iced tea market, Europe’s biggest, is worth about €1-billion a year. But in the UK, rooibos consumption only started picking up in recent years.
Battersby said a large number of brands are coming into the UK, capitalising on the wellness trend. This has helped drive the consumption of iced tea. Iced tea is now the second-fastest growing category in the UK, albeit off a small base. It’s dominated by Lipton, which is black tea. BOS uses caffeine-free and organic rooibos.
“We think now’s the right time to knock on the door [of the UK market]. We’ve had a lot of people from the UK ask in the past five years, ‘When are ...

The Finance Ghost: Steinhoff, Mpact or Shoprite – who is the Grinch?

Could someone please let Steinhoff know that December is a time of giving, not taking away?
It was in December 2017 that the proverbial hit the fan for the first time, when Markus Jooste resigned and the market realised that Steinhoff’s financials were about as dependable as Transnet Freight Rail.
Five years later, there’s a drop of 64% in the share price in a single day based on an update that makes it clear that there isn’t much equity left in this thing.
It doesn’t matter how well Pepco is doing in Europe. If the holding company structure is drowning in debt, then those assets are more likely to end up belonging to the banks than to the equity holders.
The choices here are harsh. If shareholders agree to the extension of the debt to 2026, they will retain 20% of the economic interest in the company and the lenders will own the rest.
If they don’t agree, then “shareholders will no longer have any interest in the group”.
It gets worse. The restructured economic interest (assuming shareholders vote in favour of this horrific outcome) will be in the form of an unlisted equity interest. Steinhoff expects its ordinary equity to be unlisted when all is said and done.
I’m not sure who was buying this thing on the way down on Thursday, 15 December. For anyone other than an institutional investor with the financial clout and legal skill set to fight for reasonable rights in an unlisted environment, these shares are now worthless.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
A sweet investment
In some good news for the South African economy, Mpact has decided to invest R1.2-billion in the Mkhondo Paper Mill in Mpumalanga.
Shareholders will need to be patient as a project of this size takes time to complete. The expected commissioning date is 2025 and Mpact expects an internal rate of return of more than 20%.
The project will be funded through a combination of internally generated profits and debt, with the company guiding that borrowings will peak in 2024.
Slump in home improvement
With consumers facing every inflationary pressure imaginable, higher bond repayments and rising interest rates, there simply isn’t enough money lying around for major home improvement projects. If you throw Eskom into the mix and the depression it causes among consumers, the willingness to improve our homes disappears.
Against this backdrop, Italtile is in trouble. In the five months to November, the retail division ...

SA may face a crisis in education, but there is no crisis of ideas and potential

Smart and ambitious South Africans are being let down by the education system and increasingly it is falling on post-matric educators, including business schools, to bridge the gap.
With matric exams done and dusted, we can look forward to stories of exceptionalism hitting our inboxes soon. Take for example, twins Divano and Diego Blankenberg, raised by a single mother in Atlantis in the Western Cape, who matriculated at the end of 2021 with nine distinctions between them, making them the first members of their family ever to attend university.
Without taking away from this extraordinary achievement, these good news stories mask a bleaker picture of a vastly unequal schooling system where more than 25% of learners drop out of school before they even reach matric.
The truth is, right now our schools don’t necessarily teach the right stuff. And they don’t teach it well enough; even the best teachers are constrained by a lack of resources and top-down decision-making. From apartheid-era educational inequalities, into the democratic era, education is in crisis and increasingly, smart and ambitious young South Africans are being left behind in a rapidly changing world.
The ripple effects of inadequate schooling are making themselves felt across the economy. Those students who do make it into tertiary education are often unable to present plausible arguments to support and sell their ideas, their writing ability can be poor and unstructured, and their confidence is generally rock bottom.
Too many fail to even graduate. In short, while many South Africans are making tremendous strides and building businesses to end generations of poverty, the odds are very often stacked against their success.
Changing the odds starts with building a scaffold of support
Changing these odds is critical to unlocking economic growth and really, this calls for a whole new approach to teaching and learning. Post-matric institutions — including business schools — have an important role to play here in driving change. While business schools are mostly associated with the MBA — which is a master’s level degree — the sheer scale of need in South Africa makes it imperative to pay attention to all levels of learning, and more than that, to provide a pathway to allow students who may lack the right foundations to achieve an MBA should they want to.
In an education system full of holes, we need to think about how we can construct a scaffold to provide smart, ambitious and capable people — whether ...

Ramaphosa’s Renew22 team decides to back Mabuyane over Lamola

When the Renew22 caucus met on Day 3 of the ANC’s National Elective Conference, at least 2,400 delegates agreed to support Cyril Ramaphosa’s bid for a second term as party president, with Oscar Mabuyane as his second in command.
Cyril Ramaphosa’s ANC Renew22 grouping believes Eastern Cape provincial chair Oscar Mabuyane is the perfect candidate to balance out the generational mix in the ANC’s top seven.
“It is definitely a firm decision from the caucus,” said Northern Cape Premier Zamani Saul. “There has been a difficult process of engagement. There were a whole lot of people nominated by our branches but, at the end of the day, we had to make a decision and put the matter to rest. So we agreed that Oscar Mabuyane should be our deputy president candidate.
“[Justice Minister Ronald] Lamola and Oscar fall within the same generation. We firmly believe that Oscar brings youthful energy into the position and he will really assist to ensure that we drive the programme for socioeconomic transformation,” Saul explained.
ANC leaders have been rigorously debating who should take up the position, with Mpumalanga wanting Lamola to deputise for Ramaphosa and the Eastern Cape vying for Mabuyane.
After weeks of indecision about who their candidate should be, a breakthrough was finally made.
The Northern Cape branch threw a spanner in the works during the nomination process when they put MP Tina Joemat-Pettersson up to challenge ANC head of organising Nomvula Mokonyane for the party’s first deputy secretary general position.
Read more in Daily Maverick: “Mokonyane’s supporters unhappy with ‘late’ Joemat-Pettersson challenge, vote for ANC leaders expected this morning”
Joemat-Peterrsson was touted after many members rejected the nominations for the position. There was a possibility that she would be uncontested.
Saul believes Joemat-Pettersson’s nomination was a “masterstroke”.
“The decision was made immediately when the position of the first deputy secretary-general was made available and nominations were called by the Electoral Commission. So, we took a decision that at least one person from the Northern Cape should contest the position. I am overwhelmed by the support that we got from the other provinces because we managed to get far more than the 25% that you need as a threshold for floor nominations,” Saul said.
Lindiwe Sisulu failed to reach the threshold to contest the treasurer- general position. #ANC55 #ANCElects2022
Queenin Masuabi (@Queenin_M) December 18, 2022
Saul said Limpopo, Eastern Cape, Free State as well as North West are the provinces that have vowed to throw ...

This is a critical time to defend democracy and the powers of school governing bodies in education

The Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill (Bela Bill) proposes centralising many of the powers currently held by school governing bodies under the control of the provincial head of education. This creates the potential for an abuse of power and the country's reversion to the levels of centralised control of the apartheid era.
The Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill, 2022 (Bela) has raised serious questions and concerns about whether its legislative proposals signal a return to the pre-1994 state school governance model, ultimately undermining the quality of South African public school education.
The values of our constitutional dispensation require policy changes to align with the principle of cooperative governance. In the context of basic education, this means ensuring amendments will in fact improve the quality of education offered to South Africa’s youth, while avoiding detrimental consequences.
The Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill, 2022
A revised Bela Bill was introduced in Parliament during January 2022. Since then, the National Assembly’s Portfolio Committee on Basic Education has invited the public to comment on the Bill and hosted four rounds of public hearings.
The department and portfolio committee are to be commended for the consultative process followed to date and the changes already effected in recognition of public input. This is indicative of the department and committee’s respect for the democratic process and recognition of the value of the public voice.
Leaving behind apartheid’s state school legacy
The dawn of South Africa’s democracy saw the reversion of the pre-1994 school governance model. Under the authoritarian system of apartheid, school governance was centralised and controlled by the national government. Local schools were acted upon without consultation.
Key to the apartheid system was control and the social re-engineering of society, and this was partly implemented through schools. The infamous 1953 Bantu Education Act serves as an example. It transferred the locus of authority from the provincial and local to the central government. It also removed the localised influence of missionary schools.
In 1975 the state would use this centralised control to enforce the use of both English and Afrikaans tuition for certain senior school subjects – a move which resulted in the widespread protests of 1976.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
Under the post-1994 democratic dispensation, a decision was made to move to a system of cooperative governance: from state schools to public schools. This move recognised the need for a three-tiered partnership between the national and provincial governments, and local ...

On the road to Nasrec: See us, hear us, demand Khoisan leaders

As thousands of delegates were deliberating and going about their business, two Khoisan leaders staged a lonely protest on the road to the conference venue for several days.
Unlike the pickets staged by those who are for and against Cyril Ramaphosa and his predecessor Jacob Zuma, theirs did not attract much attention from the media and delegates.
But Chief Joseph “Joe” Marble, a chief of the Koi, and Goob Derrick, the leader of the Aboriginal Nation movement, said they believe that their protest was more significant because it touches issues of dispossession, of displacement and of inhumanity.
Clad in their traditional attire made up of animal skins, the pair said they decided to stage their protest outside the venue where the ruling ANC was holding a crucial conference because they had petitioned the party five years ago, making a number of demands, but government and ANC officials have ignored them.
“We are here to enquire about our last memorandum that was given to the President regarding land tenure and land ownership. We are also unhappy that early this year there was a (national) land summit. That summit did not talk about the issues of the Khoisan and their claim to land ownership,” he said.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
Derrick said his movement is aimed at highlighting the plight of the aboriginal people of South Africa, who are poor and landless, even after the democratic government took over power from the apartheid regime in 1994.
“Like we said in our memorandum in 2017, the Khoisan want to be treated like Nguni and other tribes and have a land of our own. It seems like our memorandum was thrown out in the bin.
He added that the Khoisan’s dispossession and landlessness has resulted in the disorientation of their descendants and the proliferation of drugs, gangsterism and fatal shootings in the so-called Coloureds areas, mainly in the Western Cape and Gauteng.
“Nobody can dispute that wherever there is rock art, that is our land. The ANC has failed our people, that is why we are here to protest at their doorsteps, so that delegates can see us, can hear our plight,” Derrick said.
Mandla Mandela, ANC MP and chairperson of Parliament’s Agriculture and Land Reform sub-committee, was not available for comment on Sunday on the matters raised by the two Khoisan leaders. DM

Australia steamroll Proteas in two days on questionable Gabba pitch

After a lacklustre batting performance on day one, the Proteas bowling attack fought hard against a stacked Australian batting lineup to bring South Africa back into the game. However, that was all shattered with a total batting collapse in SA’s second innings — Australia ultimately securing victory on a grassy Gabba pitch which yielded 34 wickets in just two days of Test cricket.
South Africa began the second day of the first Test match against Australia very much on the back foot. Sitting at 145 for five, Australia were just seven runs off the Proteas’ first-innings total, with Travis Head (78) still at the crease.
However, some late wickets on day one, including that of Steven Smith, had given South Africa hope that there could still be life in the game. And the Proteas bowlers, and specifically their batting lineup, had it all to do when play got under way.
A questionable pitch
With 34 wickets falling in two days of cricket, the Gabba’s grassy pitch, providing a plethora of bounce and movement, proved to be a nightmare for batters — raising questions about the fairness of the pitch.
Just two batters passed the half-century mark during the match, with Head’s outstanding 92 in the first innings earning him the Man of the Match award.
“You’ve got to ask yourself the question: is that a good advertisement for our format?” said the Proteas’ captain, Dean Elgar, in the post-match press conference.
“I’m obviously a purist of this format and we want to see the game go to four, five days. And just the nature of how it started to play, with some seriously steep bounce with the old ball. I mean, you’re kind of [on a] hiding to [nothing] as a batting unit. If you think about it, only two batsmen, maybe three batsmen, applied themselves half-decently and scored runs. So, I don’t think it was a very good Test wicket.”
A fighting chance
With 23-year-old Cameron Green and Head at the crease, the day’s play got off to a fine start for the Baggy Greens. The pair navigated the first six overs with ease, scoring at a healthy run rate to take Australia’s tally to 178 for five, with Head sitting on 92 not out and Green on a run-a-ball 18.
In the seventh over of the day, Marco Jansen was brought into the attack, and suddenly the momentum shifted.
First, Green (18) was gone after edging one to the ...

No Stage 6 at Nasrec: From a people’s congress to an animal farm

In earlier years, you could walk easily among delegates, getting to know them and hearing them and developing a sense of who the ANC is. We had exposure to great minds, which immeasurably improved the quality of my reporting. That started changing about 2007 at the ANC’s Polokwane conference as the battle lines hardened. The meetings became dominated by the ethos of the security state.
I have always loved covering ANC conferences and am now a veteran reporter in 2022 – the ANC’s 55th conference at Nasrec outside Johannesburg is my fifth.
The organisation’s founding ethos as a congress of the people; its practice of convening to discuss that which impacts the people was deeply resonant as we grew up in an authoritarian state. Ordinary people from communities organised themselves into self-help organisations, and wise leaders turned this famous dynamism into a movement that took on colonialism and later apartheid. And won.
From early in the 20th century, the then South African Native National Congress (the precursor to the ANC born in 1912) came together in “congress” to decide on its programmes which were birthed in the lived experience of the people who gave it life. It was an animating vision and a praxis I have followed with enthusiasm even through its internal incarnation, the United Democratic Front.
At those early conferences of the ANC as a governing party, the philosophy was still apparent of a movement reflective of the people it represented and with a keen sense of its moral and political purpose. The branches were, in the main, collectives of professionals, workers, community organisers, later trade unionists and always revered intellectuals – the salt of the earth. The founders of the ANC had instilled this character into the movement, being one that thrived in the world of ideas. While they were pretty grand, the views of the equality of congress and people ensured that the social distance was mediated. This was a vision for a fairer and more equal world.
I learnt my chops at the early conferences because you had to be fast and attentive to keep up with the quality of the debates. I quickly learnt the intricacies of development economics, social solidarity systems like the basic income and the difference between liberation organisations and political parties. Either the ANC has aged badly, or I have.
When I read policy documents these days, it sounds like the same ideas and concepts (rural ...

Last minute horse trading with KwaZulu-Natal sees Limpopo delegates at odds over voting for Ramaphosa

One of the most dramatic twists of the 55th ANC national elective conference is the last-minute drama and confusion about which way the Limpopo delegation was going to vote in the leadership contests, especially around the party’s top job.
More than 4,000 delegates were expected to start voting on Sunday 18 December 2022, on the third day of the conference. The biggest contest is between incumbent President Cyril Ramaphosa and former health minister Zweli Mkhize, who are wrestling it out for the position of the party’s president.
With 613 voting delegates in the conference, Limpopo has the third largest voting bloc in the ANC and trails only KwaZulu-Natal, which has 877 delegates and Eastern Cape, which has 684 delegates.
The Limpopo delegates were mandated by their branches to vote for Cyril Ramaphosa for the position of ANC president and Limpopo Premier and ANC chairperson Stan Mathabatha as non-negotiable positions, and be open for discussion and persuasion by other provinces on the other top positions.
But it is believed that Mathabatha lobbyists were persuaded to dump Ramaphosa in favour of Zweli Mkhize in return for KwaZulu-Natal putting its full weight behind Mathabatha. But it was not Mathabatha who attempted to deliver the change-of-heart decision to the Limpopo delegates.
It was his deputy Florence Radzilani – a former mayor of Vhembe municipality who is accused of the shenanigans involving the looting of the VBS Bank – who addressed the “shocked” delegates on Saturday, claiming the provincial executive committee has decided to dump Ramaphosa and go with Mkhize instead.
Radzilani is said to have told delegates that the province will stick with Mathabatha on the position of chairperson and that his chances would be greatly enhanced by a strong support from KZN delegates.
However, on Sunday morning Limpopo Provincial Executive Committee (PEC) member Reuben Madadzhe distanced the province from “some statements making rounds in various media platforms wherein an unfortunate impression was created that we have deserted the outcomes of Branch General Meetings.
“The ANC Limpopo Province stands by its decision and also supports the outcomes of Limpopo BGM’S [branch general meetings] which affirmed Cde Cyril Ramaphosa for President, Paul Mashatile: Deputy President, Cde Mdumiseni Ntuli: Secretary General, Cde Nomvula Mokonyane: Deputy Secretary General, Chauke Bejani: Treasurer General and Cde Stanley Mathabata as the Preferred National Chairperson.
“We further urge all delegates from Limpopo and beyond to exercise their right to elect leadership in accordance with the mandate of their respective branches,” ...

Mokonyane’s supporters unhappy with ‘late’ Joematt Pettersson challenge, vote for ANC leaders expected this morning

The ANC nomination process started late in the evening and lasted until the early hours of the morning. Groupings battled to get their preferred candidates on the ballot.
The ANC nomination process has many unexpected turns but Tina Joemat- Peterson joining the leadership race was the one that had delegates aligned with Nomvula Mokonyane the most dissatisfied.
At first it seemed as though Mokonyane would be uncontested with a number of members rejecting nominations from the floor. The names of former youth league secretary Vuyiswa Tulelo, ANC women’s league coordinator Marupene Ramokgopa as well as co-ordinator in the secretary general’s office were endorsed. They all declined the opportunity.
Despite having already been on the ballot, party general manager Febe Potgieter refused to take any nominations for either the first or second deputy secretary general.
The squabble over nominations came in when Elexions Agency director general Bontle Mpakanyane recognised a delegate from the Northern Cape but only allowed them to make a nomination after mentioning that the process is closed.
Read more in Daily Maverick: Zweli Mkhize clinches enough nominations to contest Cyril Ramaphosa for top ANC position
This saw Gauteng delegates complaining about the manner in which the process was being run and later delegates from the Free State joined the fray.
The delegates say the process is flawed and that allowing Joemat- Peterson to contest Mokonyane is wrong. They argue that the nomination process was not supposed to be reopened to allow any more contenders.
After much contestation from Mokonyane’s camp, proceedings finally went ahead and nominations for other positions were made.
Conference has decided to pass the constitutional amendment which will see the appointment of a second deputy secretary general. This means the party will have seven officials and a second secretary general would have to be voted in to enhance the ANC’s administrative capacity.
Ramokgopa [Marupene] accepted the nomination for 2nd deputy secretary general. ANC Western Cape’s Ronalda Nalumango was nominated to be the second deputy secretary general, which she accepted.
[WATCH] Joemat- Peterson’s nominations has sparked even more dissatisfaction. Mokonyane’s supporters are up in arms and are requesting a recount. #ANCNationalConference #ANCElects2022
Queenin Masuabi (@Queenin_M) December 17, 2022
For the position of treasurer general, Gwen Ramokgopa was nominated from the floor which she accepted and she reached the required threshold.
Tourism Minister, Lindiwe Sisulu failed to reach the threshold to contest the treasurer general position.
Ramokgopa will contest Ramaphosa’s advisor Bejani Chauke, ANC national spokesperson and Ekurhuleni leader Mzwandile Masina for ...

Leadership nominations finalised after delays and horse-trading amid plentiful slate permutations

Almost 48 hours behind schedule and after much caucusing, cajoling and horse-trading, the incoming ANC top officials were finally officially nominated early on Sunday. Voting was scheduled from 9am on Sunday morning.
The presidential nominations were not in doubt. Cyril Ramaphosa was named for a second term as party president, as was Zweli Mkhize, the former premier, health MEC, minister and one-time party treasurer.
And while Nkozasana Dlamini Zuma had indicated she was up for nomination from the floor, she declined when the moment came.
Beyond that, last minute negotiations meant definite slates were elusive.
For deputy president, nominations were for Ronald Lamola, also justice minister, current ANC treasurer Paul Mashatile and Eastern Cape Premier Oscar Mabuyane. Outgoing deputy president David “DD” Mabuza declined nomination from the floor.
National chairperson nominations went to, as expected, Limpopo Premier Stan Mathabatha, incumbent Gwede Mantashe, and David Masondo, deputy finance minister.
For secretary-general, nominations were for Transport Minister Fikile Mbalula, Phumulo Masualle, also deputy public enterprises minister, and ousted KwaZulu-Natal ANC secretary Mdumiseni Ntuli.
Drama erupted over what seemed to be the uncontested nomination as deputy secretary-general of Nomvula Mokonyane, ex-minister and now ANC head of campaigns. The Northern Cape nominated Tina Joemat-Pettersson, chairperson of the parliamentary police committee. Unlike other nominations from the floor, she accepted – and made the threshold of over 1,109 supporting votes.
It was carefully balanced slate politics.
Tired tempers frayed. Only at 1.15am did the ANC nominations move to the second deputy secretary-general. The nomination was for a close Ramaphosa ally, his international relations advisor Marupene Ramokgopa. A rival nomination, women’s league member and councillor Ronalda Nalumango, was vigorously supported.
Song erupted amid the counting, and if volume levels were anything to go by, the anti-Ramaphosa “chaaange” or “load shedding” grouping had the floor.
At 1.40am it was back to the expected, and significantly less loud – the nomination for treasurer of Bejani Chauke, presidential advisor, the ANC’s national spokesperson Pule Mabe and ex-Ekurhuleni mayor Mzwandile Masina.
From the floor came the nomination of another Ramaphosa ally, Gwen Ramakgopa, appointed in Luthuli House’s Office of the Secretary-General. Earlier she had declined nomination for deputy secretary-general, clearly with a view to accept for this post.
The nomination from the floor of Andile Lungisa, former youth leaguer and councillor, came to nought when election committee chairperson and ex-president Kgalema Motlanthe told delegates Lungisa was suspended. Tourism Minister Lindiwe Sisulu accepted, but failed to make the threshold of support.
Both were nominated in response ...

189 episodes

« Back 1—12 More »